فصلنامه آفاق امنیت
پیاپی 52 (پاییز 1400)

Security theory is one of the contemporary theories in the field ofsecurity studies using the philosophy of language and sociology, seeks to explain how security issues arise and solve them. This theory, first proposed by the Copenhagen school (especially Weaver), gradually encountered problems. In order to solve these problems, a new generation was formed - post-Copenhagen studies - which sought to promote this theory. The present article, based on documentary studies, seeks to explain the views of one of these experts in this field - Balzac. Using the teachings of Foucault and Bourdieu, Balzac seeks a new understanding of security. In his view, security is a process that results from power games and is formed in the interaction of social and habitual fields. This process can be both verbal and non-verbal, both intentional and unintentional. It has the power to do and write, but not as a self-referential act. Balzac's analysis of security also emphasizes the role of the three key components of empowering audience attention, the relationship between the security agent and the context, and finally, the role of the dispositive and its structuring force in security practices.

In the area of contemporary Iranian politics, "influence" is one of the main concepts that at any point in history of Iran, has created a kind of risk and threat to the interests of Iranian society and country in practice. One of the first steps in confronting this project (external infiltration project) is to gain a favorable understanding of the various aspects of this issue and to analyze. With respect to this matter, the present study uses the "content analysis" method to examine the coordinates of the British influence project during the Iranian constitutional movement (between 1906 and 1913) based on the analysis of letters issued by the previous British Foreign Secretary. (Edward) has dealt with Iran at that time. The findings of this paper show that in order to maximize its interests, the UK has designed seven policies based on a set of influence principles and implemented them through its internal and external agency. According to the results of this study, the main audience, observer, competitor, and supporter, are four categories of the audience that in the process of designing these policies, the influencers have been considered the nature and strategy of the historical obstacle of the infiltration process.

Meanwhile, Saudi Arabia as is a kind of ruler of the Sunni world, has always shown its tacit support for the Palestinian issue, but with the emergence of Muhammad bin Salman as a Crown prince and the expansion of foreign relations, especially with the United States, the issue of relations was seriously discussed with Israel, and even with Trump's efforts, countries such as the UAE and Bahrain were among the first countries in the Persian Gulf to establish formal diplomatic relations with Israel in 2020. In this study,the authors try to find an answer to this question: What is the role of Saudi Arabia, especially Muhammad bin Salman, in the syndrome of Israeli influence in the Persian Gulf and the establishment of formal diplomatic relations with the Arabs of this region? The Findings of article by using descriptive analytical method and threat balance theory show four major goals and consequences of security-military and defense. The first issue; Covering the vacuum of Trump support after the defeat in the US presidential election is the second; Proof of eligibility for the future kingdom of the Saudis in exchange for normalizing relations with the Zionists and realizing the deal of the century, Third; Changing the views and approaches of the instrumental and intellectual elites of the new generation of Arab leaders towards Israel with an emphasis on the decline of Arab nationalism. The security, military and defense implications of this issue will also be examined at four levels

Simultaneously with the military occupation of Iraq, the United States established structures in four dimensions: military-security, political, economic and cultural-social. It did not take long for these measures to have an impact on the national security of Iraq. The purpose of the present research is to examine the structure of the United States in Iraq in the four dimensions mentioned and its role on the national security of this country. The method of this research is documentary analysis and data collection is done with the help of library filing tools and by reading books, specialized journals, online articles, student dissertations, and researches and reports of official bodies of the Islamic Republic of Iran on this subject. The findings of this study indicate that the United States, by creating effective structures in Iraq, will institutionalize and deepen its influence in this country and create a way for the independence and national security of Iraq to be held hostage to US interests. In this regard, in the military-security dimension, the United States established institutions such as the Iraqi police and army, the Ministry of Defense, the Iraqi Border Forces and the Iraqi Civil Defense Force. Politically, the United States created the Transitional Government Council, the Provincial Councils, and the Independent High Electoral Commission. In the economic dimension, energy structure, the creation of the Iraqi Development Fund, the revival of the Central Bank and the establishment of the Commercial Bank of Iraq are among the economic institutions created by the United States. The most important socio-cultural institution that the United States established in Iraq is civil society-based structures, especially the Samanids..

The Middle East is one of the regions whose countries have not undergone a successful nation-state-building process compared to other parts of the world. One of the most important reasons for this is the fabrication of most Middle Eastern countries and their withdrawal from post-World War I treaties and the consequent non-compliance of the government with the nation. . Thus, both the geographical map and the state of the borders, as well as the government of these countries, were formed by foreign powers. For these reasons, Iraq has always faced ethnic and religious heterogeneity, domination with the suppression of minority groups over other groups, and as a result, tension and instability. Even after the fall of Saddam Hussein and the beginning of the democratization process, the country has faced fundamental challenges to state-nation building. This question can be examined by asking what challenges and harms the nation-building in Iraq has faced since the fall of Saddam. The hypothesis is that various internal and external challenges, such as ethnic, religious, and racial divisions, lack of national identity formation, and foreign intervention, have prevented successful nation-state building in Iraq.

The International actors with different approaches and different interpretations of the crisis, intervene under the banner of international law when the international crisis when it reaches a state of emergency and causes friction in the norms of international law and the provisions of the Charter;. In the post-Westphalian era, the effective role of power and national security in the international system, backed by military might, is the undisputed truth of the international community. Thus, the current situation in Syria has led to a confrontation between the protection of national interests on the one hand and the observance of international legal norms on the other hand. But the question that arises is to what extent the actions of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Syria are legitimate in terms of legal-security dimensions and in accordance with the standards of international law. In this article, using a descriptive-analytical method, this issue is analyzed, which shows its hypothesis; The presence of the military of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the provision of advisory services to the Syrian army, as well as the targeting of ISIS positions on Syrian territory by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, can be explained in the form of calls for the intervention and legitimate defense.

Historically, security developments in the South of Caucasus have had a direct impact on Iran's national security interests. The Southern Caucasus is reason for the formation of various threatening movements against the security and national stability of the Islamic Republic of Iran, some of which have an increasing threatening coefficient. Identification of threatening dynamics in the South Caucasus region against the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran was considered as the central issue of this study and an attempt was made to prioritize these threats in the region to provide optimal solutions to deal with it. The main question is;” what are the most important threats to the Islamic Republic of Iran through the South Caucasus and what are Iran's strategies to curb them? “ The research method is qualitative-quantitative (mixed). The overall result is that security and economic / geoeconomic threats have a higher priority in the South Caucasus. The most important research strategies are to enhance cooperation with Asian powers, prioritize various cross-border infrastructure projects to deal with geopolitical depletion, establish a technical-engineering needs assessment office in the region, use local technical capacity and engineering to meet the technical-engineering needs of countries and finally Activation of defense diplomacy capabilities.

Following an agreement reached in 2015 on Iran's nuclear program and the regulation of the joint comprehensive plan of action (JCPOA), it was decided that all Security Council sanctions against Iran would be lifted with the adoption of a resolution by this body. However, in August 2020, the United States of America, which had previously terminated its membership in the JCPOA by formally withdrawing from it, claimed that Iran had violated its JCPOA commitments and called for the activation of the Snapback and reimposition of International sanctions. This US action, sparked debates about its legal legitimacy. Accordingly, the present study was written in order to answer the question of how legitimate is the US action in activating the snapback from the perspective of the principles and rules of international law? The results of the authors' descriptive-analytical studies, based on library sources and the analysis of relevant documents, confirm that JCPOA is a political agreement independent of Resolution 2231, and that the United States is no longer a "participating State of JCPOA" after withdrawing from this document and as a result, it lacks the legal authority to activate the snapback mechanism. In addition, the continuation of unbridled unilateralism in this country offers no other perspectives to the international community, other than weakening of the United Nations and the creation of international anarchy.